Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Second Crusade Ep 2: A Total Debacle
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The second crusade was an absolute
military disaster.
It is the story of the largest army of a
generation led into the near east by two
kings on a mission that very few would
return from. And what makes this story
all the more remarkable is how
preventable so much of the disaster
really was. It's now been 50 years since
the first crusade, which was by all
accounts a huge success. And now in the
spring of 1146,
the call for the second crusade has gone
out across Europe. It's been preached by
the incredibly charismatic abbott later
Saint Bernard of Clairvo at the
instruction of the Pope and he's trying
to rally nobles and knights from across
Europe to go on this mission. The call
has been taken up by countless priests,
bishops, and monks in their own
communities, re-echoed to hamlets large
and small, so that many communities have
been all but emptied of their fighting
age men. Bernard of Clairvo himself has
been so successful in galvanizing people
to take up arms that he's even gotten
the king and queen of France, Louie and
Elanor of Aquitane to very publicly take
the crusader cross and make their oaths
to undertake this expedition. Even more
surprisingly, Bernard has been
successful in recruiting none other than
Conrad Hohentoen of the Holy Roman
Empire to bring an army on this mission
as well. Now, a huge army is about to
roll out of Europe on its slow way
toward Jerusalem. To observers, they
look numberless. It seems like this
mission is going to be unstoppable.
But the story of the Second Crusade is a
very grim tale. You're listening to
Villains and Virgins podcast and this is
the second episode in a series on Elanor
of Aquitane and the Second Crusade.
Before we get into all the details of
today's story, however, I have a couple
of special announcements to make. Number
one, there's going to be a very special
bonus episode around material to do with
Eleanor of Aquitane and more
specifically her absolutely scandalous
grandfather, William the 9inth,
sometimes called the Trouador. This is
going to be a Patreon exclusive as a
special treat for those of you who are
supporting the podcast every month. And
speaking of those people, I need to
pause and say a very special word of
thanks to those of you who are
supporting this podcast at the very
highest level. These people include
Richard Hubner, Charles Vignon, Kenneth
Jones, Tim Williams, Anthony Farnbach,
Rick Kaine, Gordon Carl, Agnes Viner,
Errol Silverstein, Random FX, and James
Brown. Thank you so much. The second
major announcement I have is that I'm in
the middle of organizing a history tour
for spring of 2026.
And this is going to be a trip that
takes you right back into the past,
specifically the tutor era of England.
We'll be visiting castles and churches
and talking about the scandalous doings
of Henry VIII and his notorious
children. There's even a very special
mini tour before the main tour kicks off
that's going to involve a very historic
pilgrimage from London to Canterbury.
So, if you're interested in either of
those things, head on over to
patreon.com/evashubert.
Become a member of the Patreon supporter
community and that is where you're going
to get the very first information where
you can get the links for the tour and
all the details. The tour will of course
be open to anyone who's interested, but
the people who will hear the very first
details before anybody else will be
those of you who are on Patreon. And
with that out of the way, we're going to
head back into today's story. So, in the
spring of 1146, once the hype and the
excitement of the grand adventure of the
Second Crusade died down, there were
some grumblings.
And there were good reasons for people
to grumble. You see, a crusade was an
extremely expensive undertaking.
One historian estimates that for a
nobleman, it was as much as four times
his annual income. That is the amount of
money that you have to be able to put
aside to even undertake such an
expedition as a knight. Now, it was
cheaper for everyday people, of course,
because they weren't bringing very
expensive armor and horses that needed
feeding and weapons and squires and all
that sort of thing. But even for
ordinary people, it was a very
significant undertaking. It meant being
away from home for potentially years. It
meant not working on your farm or being
with your family and a very significant
risk that you wouldn't make it back. And
as for all the people who weren't going
on the crusade but were going to stay at
home, well, it meant higher taxes right
across the board. So the announcement
that there was going to be another
crusade wasn't greeted with jubilation
by everybody. Then there were people who
grumbled about the queen Elanor of
Aquitane. And this was because the queen
had done something really quite
extraordinary. She had very publicly
taken the crusader cross alongside her
husband and made an oath that she too
was going on this expedition.
Now, women going on pilgrimage wasn't at
all a strange thing. Women did that in
the Middle Ages quite routinely. And the
crusades were pitched as a pilgrimage
with all of the same spiritual benefits.
The difference was they were armed
pilgrimages. They were also military
expeditions in which you were going to
be besieging castles, encountering enemy
forces, and running really significant
risks. And so having a woman, especially
such a high-profile woman as the queen
of France, going on this trip was
something unusual. And there were people
who said, "There's something wrong with
this." That being said, Elanor Vquitane
was not the first woman to go on
crusade. We actually have records of
medieval women in the first, second, and
third crusades accompanying the armies
into the near east. Noble women
typically traveled with their husbands
or their families. And for those who
were not members of the aristocracy, but
everyday women, they traveled alongside
the army and they earned their keep in a
variety of jobs, including things like
washing laundry, picking fleas, and
working as prostitutes. So when we
imagine these massive crusader forces
rolling slowly at walking speed over
thousands of miles, it is entirely
correct to see women mixed up in those
ranks.
For these women, it was a very serious
risk they were running because if things
went badly in a battle, what was going
to happen to them was death or
enslavement. The chances of these women
making their own way back home after an
unsuccessful battle was virtually zero.
And in addition to women, there were a
large number of other non-combatants,
some of whom were present on the first
crusade and many of whom are going to
join this second one. So, we're talking
about older men. We're talking about
priests and monks, other members of the
church who are not supposed to be
carrying weapons. They're not expected
to take part in any battles, but they
are going to be traveling with the
crusader forces. And that means these
are people who are going to need to be
fed, watered, and protected. And so, in
many ways, significant numbers of
non-combatants could be as much of a
liability to a crusader army as a
benefit. But to go back to Queen Eleanor
of Aquitane and the specific grumbles
that centered around her, this was
because the young queen had already made
some enemies. You see, she didn't fit in
so well in the very serious courts of
Paris where her husband Louie resided.
Eleanor had been born in Aquitane in the
Mediterranean influenced south of
France. She was high-spirited. She had
ideas of her own. She liked good food
and music and entertainment and she was
seen as somewhat indorous and perhaps
not behaving in a way that was seen as
fitting for the queen of France in the
eyes of the northerners. And this was
largely because Eleanor had the
timmerity to involve herself in
politics. And she's already done this
even before the second crusade call
arrives.
significantly. She got very much
involved on behalf of her sister who
married a nobleman who kind of already
had a wife. It was a scandal. That
nobleman had to put his wife aside to
marry Eleanor's sister. And this put
Eleanor's husband Louie, who supported
the match, on the wrong side of things
with both the Pope and several of his
vassals. But Eleanor was very vocal in
support of this and she even got
involved in conversations with Bernard
of Clairvo, this very famous churchman
who's been preaching the second crusade.
And he's somewhat shocked that a queen
in an audience with him would have
anything to talk about besides prayer
and the need for having children. So
Eleanor was expected to be submissive
and silent, which she wasn't, and to
produce a son, which she had not. By the
time the second crusade was about to
begin, Eleanor had produced exactly one
daughter in almost a decade of marriage
to Louie. And this being the Middle
Ages, the failure to produce the right
kind of child is always the woman's
fault. So, there were people who looked
at Eleanor and said, "She's doing things
she shouldn't be doing, like politics
and crusades, but she's not doing things
she should be doing, like working on
producing a royal heir." And some of the
stories that have been passed down to us
about Eleanor and have become part of
her legend were colored or possibly even
totally invented by people who took a
very dim view of the vivacious young
queen and thought that she was too manly
and sometimes they even embellished
their accounts to make this point more
strongly. For example, in our last
episode, I told you about one account
that had Eleanor and her ladies
appearing in armor on white horses
shortly after the call to crusade was
given by Bernard of Clairvo. The queen
has taken the oath. There are many
nobles that are thronging to Bernard to
take their oath and the queen reappears
with her ladies in battle armor sitting
astride a horse which by the way was
also not done. You're supposed to sit
side saddle. Now, some historians doubt
this account and they say, "Well, the
people who are telling this story, and
there are several of them, are all
people who disapprove of what Eleanor is
doing. She's signing up to go to war,
which is men's business in the Middle
Ages. And so, they're already deeply
disapproving of her as engaging in manly
behavior. And so drawing a picture of
her essentially dawning men's armor was
just a way to embellish that account and
make the point even more colorfully. So
we hear these stories about Eleanor in a
very different way than people in the
Middle Ages would have heard them. We
hear these stories and we think of
figures like Ian of Rohan in the Lord of
the Rings or Xeno Warrior Princess or
any number of other figures that we have
in our popular imagination that have
women doing these types of things. But
in the Middle Ages, it was seen as an
affront to God and nature. And so if
someone was telling a story about the
queen sitting
a stride a horse with legs on both side
of it, not side saddle, wearing armor,
this was a story that was actually meant
to be a detraction to the queen. It did
not advance her reputation in the
medieval mind. But whatever they thought
of Elanor of Aquitane before the second
crusade, by the time she comes back from
it, her scandalous reputation has been
cemented for all of history. Now,
Bernard of Clervo, that charismatic
churchman who's been in charge of
preaching the second crusade, has
reported to the pope that across Europe
in villages and towns, there's only one
man left for every seven women, even
allowing for some exaggeration and
bragging on his part about the success
of his own call. We have to interpret
this as a very massive mobilization of
people and not just the nobles. Remember
that knights and aristocrats were an
important part of the army. They were
the cavalry, but they were by no means
the majority of the army. Infantrymen,
the people who were actually doing the
marching and carrying the baggage, were
far, far more numerous, and these were
taken from the ranks of ordinary people.
So, how many people went on the second
crusade?
Numbers that are reliable are hard to
get. We have estimates that range from
somewhere between 60,000 to 100,000.
Chroniclers in the near east who saw
this army when it arrived in
Constantinople report that they were
more numberless than the sands of the
sea that they lost count. So many people
arrived on their shores. So what
motivated so many people to go on the
second crusade? Why would they want to
undertake such a long and hazardous
journey? There were a number of factors.
As with the first crusade, the pope and
Bernard and the churchmen who were
preaching this message promised people
remission for their sins that their the
penalty for their sins would be reduced
or wiped out if they enlisted in this
expedition. In the words of Bernard of
Clarvo himself, and I quote, "Marvel at
the fathomless mercy of God. Is it not a
heavenly intention and worthy of him to
admit to his service murderers and
ravishers, adulterers, the perjured and
other malifactors, and offer them thus a
hope of redemption."
So what Bernard is talking about are
people who are guilty of the most
serious crimes in their time. people who
are murderers and rapists, people who
are adulterers, people who have
committed every kind of offense, who are
serving sentences.
And he says, "If you sign up for this,
you have the opportunity to have your
moral ledger wiped clean. Rejoice in the
mercy of God that he would offer even
you, the most disgraced dregs of
society, a chance to redeem yourselves."
The Pope even promised wiping out
interest on money that people had
borrowed for those who enlisted in the
second crusade. So if you were
struggling with debt, if you had
borrowed a lot of money and now the
interest on that money was piling up to
levels that you feared you would never
be able to pay off, there was a
solution. You could sign up and become a
crusader and all of that interest would
be wiped away. So that's a pretty
significant incentive if you are
struggling financially and don't see a
way out. Bernard of Clairvo is supposed
to have remarked to another French
abbott that the second crusade was
brilliant because it accomplished so
many goals at a stroke. It provided
assistance to the crusader states in the
near east but it also simultaneously rid
Europe of so many of its criminals and
its poor. Now, this is an important clue
for explaining how this story is going
to turn out. Many of the people, the
ordinary people who sign up and are
going to be foot soldiers for this don't
have much money. They're going to be
relying on the provision of the nobles
that they follow to sustain them and
feed them over the course of the
journey. For people like this, marching
to Jerusalem may have seemed better than
starving at home, or at least roughly
equal odds with the possibility of
adventure or improving their situation.
For men from noble families, the vast
majority of them were younger sons
because by medieval custom, the oldest
son would inherit the father's noble
title and lands. And that meant that
second or third or fourth sons
didn't have many prospects. There was no
potential for them to advance very far
if they stayed at home. And so the call
of the Near East going off on a crusade
offered the possibility of making a
reputation, but also significantly
increasing your prospects. Perhaps you
could acquire land or wealth in the
service of some existing ruler in the
near east. So there's a significant
driver of ambition for many of these
noble sons who otherwise have very
little to look forward to if they stay
at home. As the armies of Europe began
to assemble and move toward their
mustering points for departure to the
Near East in the spring of 1147,
yes, this is months after the initial
call to crusade in 1146. It takes a
while between taking the oath and then
setting your affairs in order, raising
the funds, and organizing everything
you're going to need to be away from
home for 2 or 3 years. So, it is the
spring of 1147 when armies are actually
beginning to move out of their home
villages and hamlets toward larger
muster points and from there, like so
many streams joining a river, into an
ever larger force heading out of Europe
and toward the east. At this time,
there's a French monk who's very active
in the border between France and
Germany. He's been involved in preaching
the second crusade. And at this point,
he begins to incite people to start
practicing their sword skills before
they leave home by killing Jews in their
own communities. Now, if you listen to
our series on the first crusade, this is
going to be a deja vu moment for you
because once again, the Jewish
communities that are present across
Europe are under attack by these
crusaders as they're leaving home and
heading east. And what this monk is
saying is that the crusade is a war
against the enemies of Christ. And so,
you should start at home and kill the
Jews because they're enemies of Christ.
And then when you get to the near east,
you can go after the Muslims who fall
into the same category.
What's interesting is what happens next
because Bernard of Clairvo, who's really
the highest ranking churchman in charge
of preaching the crusade, gets wind of
this and he takes it very seriously. He
heads right over to this France Germany
border region where this monk is active
and he shuts him down. He actually
silences him, returns him to his
monastery, and makes some very public
statements about the fact that no, the
second crusade is not an invitation to
slaughter Jewish communities, leave them
alone. They might be on the wrong side
of God, but it's not our business to go
around killing them. So, Bernard takes a
very different position to what his
acolyte had been spreading. But what's
interesting about this is that some
people already had a much more expansive
view of the Second Crusade. Not everyone
saw it as just a military mission to
provide support to crusader states that
were under attack. Some of them saw it
in these larger
confessional terms as Christians against
non-Christians.
Even the pope's vision for the second
crusade expanded between the initial
call of 1146 and the time that armies
actually started moving in early 1147.
For example, he granted spiritual
redemption, this spiritual benefit of
pilgrimage and crusade to anyone who was
willing to help the king of Portugal out
in his fight against Muslims in that
part of the world in the Iberian
Peninsula. And there were quite a few in
Spain and Portugal at the time. So the
king of Portugal is busy trying to take
more land that he can control himself.
And to do that he has to force out
Muslim rulers who control sections of
that territory. So he asks the pope,
hey, can you send me some crusaders to
help out? And the pope obliges. So by
making this spiritual benefit extend to
people who are helping out in the
Iberian Peninsula, it actually changes
the itinerary for a number of crusaders.
So there are some men who are going to
head to the muster points by sea and
they're coming from England, from
Flanders, and from Germany. So they're
going around the western edge of Europe
and they're going to pass Portugal on
their way. And these guys make a stop in
Portugal and the king of Portugal
persuades them to help him out. And he
says, "Help me out attacking Lisbon and
taking the city and you're going to get
a share of the spoils of war. You'll be
able to grab wealth and valuables as
payment for what you're doing. And of
course, you'll get the spiritual
benefits of fighting the enemies of
God." And so these guys sign up and they
involve themselves in a threemonth siege
of Lisbon from July to October of 1147.
They're building siege engines. They're
launching projectiles
and a good number of them die. Some
15,000 men by some estimates die on the
on the Christian side of this battle.
But it is counted as a success because
they end up taking Lisbon and in the
story of the second crusade there aren't
very many successes to talk about. There
was also a military side quest in Slavic
territory. So the Slavic people at this
time occupied territory that was on the
borders of what we would now call
Germany. So we have Germanic Christian
people and then their neighbors are
these Slavic people who are not
Christians for the most part. There's
been a concerted attempt to convert them
sometimes quite violently. But these
Slavs have their own religion, their own
culture, their own language, and they're
a different ethnic group. So, there were
some Saxon knights in what we now call
northern Germany who weren't
particularly keen on riding all the way
to Jerusalem, but they did have their
eyes set on some very fertile land quite
close to their borders that was occupied
by these Slavic neighbors, sometimes
called the Wens. They asked the pope if
they could mount a crusade against these
pagan slaves, thus obtaining the
spiritual benefit of making war on
non-Christians
while also expanding the fertile land
that would be under their own direct
control. So the pope approves this and
these Saxon knights from northern
Germany never go east. They make their
own little expedition to take lands that
they have long had their eyes on, but
now they have a religious validation for
doing so. So, this side quest has been
called the Wendish Crusade. But the vast
majority of the army for the Second
Crusade is now making its way toward the
Near East. Some historians think that it
was the largest army of all the
crusades, the single biggest mass
mobilization of people in crusading
history. And in some ways, it was two
armies because there was a very large
force under the command of Conrad
Hohentoen, the Holy Roman Emperor, and
another large force under the leadership
of King Louie of France. Both of these
forces are going to travel overland and
they're heading for Constantinople,
which is still the capital of the
Eastern Roman Empire at this time. By
the time they reach Constantinople,
which is now the city of Istanbul in
modern Turkey, it is the autumn of 1147
and the emperor of the Eastern Roman
Empire who lives in Constantinople
is not that excited to see them. So this
emperor is sometimes referred to as the
Byzantine Emperor. And occasionally his
city Constantinople is called Byzantium,
but I prefer to refer to him as the
Eastern Roman Emperor because that is
how he saw himself in an unbroken line
of succession that went all the way back
to the Roman Empire that you and I are
familiar with. The western half of that
Roman Empire, which had its headquarters
in Rome at certain points, had long
since collapsed in Western Europe. But
in the east, it had never died. And so
the emperor who is inhabiting
Constantinople at this point would have
referred to himself and his territory as
Roman. And by the way, he wasn't the
only one who thought so. We'll get to
that in a moment. But you might be
confused at this point because if you
remember the first crusade, you'll know
that that expedition had a western army
arriving in Constantinople at the call
and the invitation of the emperor at
that time who was a different guy. This
is 50 years later. So the new emperor is
related but not the same. So that
emperor for the first crusade had
invited these people. They came at his
request. The second crusade, the
crusaders have to stop in at
Constantinople because they need to
check in with the guy who controls
territory that they need to cross over
and through. But he hasn't invited them.
And he's actually quite worried about
what they might be doing as they're
wandering through his territories. He
has good reason to be concerned because
in the first crusade when the western
armies came in, they made a promise to
that emperor at the time that they would
take back territory that the emperor had
lost to the Seljic Turks and then they
would hand it back to the emperor. That
was the deal. And in exchange that
emperor had promised that he would
provision them. He would provide
logistical support. He would provide
intelligence. he would send some of his
men and soldiers to ride along with
them. So there was this cooperative
arrangement that was very much the
foundation for the first crusade.
The second crusade is already quite
different and the emperor now has to
look back at the result of the first
crusade which is that western army
didn't hand back all the territory they
took. They actually founded their own
little crusader states in land that used
to be his. And those states have been a
problem for the emperor of
Constantinople ever since. So now this
emperor is looking at another massive
western army on his doorstep wondering,
hm, what are their actual goals? Are
these people really going to benefit me
in any way? or are they going to take
over even more land that is currently
mine and have it under their control? So
his caution under the circumstances
seems entirely justifiable.
So instructed by this history, the
current emperor of the east, Manuel the
first Kinus views the crusaders with a
very weary eye. And he spends some time
strengthening the fortifications of his
capital city of Constantinople. And I
have to point out for those people who
like to see the Crusades as this simple
war of religion between Christianity on
one side and Islam on the other that the
emperor of Constantinople is a Christian
and he has just concluded an alliance
with his nearest Muslim rival, the
Seljic Sultan, so that he can focus his
attentions on dealing with the newest
and most pressing threat to his land,
which is the crusader. army. In many
ways, it was quite amazing that there
were still crusader states for King
Louie and Conrad to ride to the defense
of in 1147.
The fact that crusader states had been
established at all at the end of the
first crusade was seen as something like
a miracle even by people at the time.
And that's because the first crusaders
didn't really have any clear leadership.
They had a committee of nobles who were
sometimes in competition or in
opposition with each other. They were
vastly outnumbered by other powers in
the region. And yet they managed to
carve out these territories and even
more astonishingly hold on to them for
50 years. Which brings us to the point
we're now at where there's a new western
army coming in to defend them. It would
have been very tempting for the
crusaders to assume that they'd managed
to pull this off because of their
inherent military superiority or because
they alone had the blessing of the
Almighty. But actually a far clearer
explanation for this was the state of
fragmentation and rivalry amongst other
powers in the region at the time. When
we're talking about Muslims in the near
east at this time, people use phrases
like the Muslim world. But that's
misleading and inaccurate. First of all,
the near east wasn't full of Muslims
entirely. There were Muslims there, but
there were also Armenian Christians and
there were Greek Orthodox Christians
like the emperor of Constantinople.
There were Jewish communities as well.
So yes, there are lots of Muslims, but
there are other groups, ethnic and
religious groups. Even if we just zero
in on the Muslims for a second, the
picture gets incredibly complicated.
There are ethnic divisions and there are
religious divisions. And these all have
political implications. So we have Sunni
Muslims and Shia Muslims. We have Seljic
Turks, we have Arabs and we have Kurds.
These are not the same people and they
don't have the same interests. And these
people are also grouped around different
regional rulers or dynasties. There are
the Zengids, the Aubids, and the
Fatimids. So each of these is now a
governing entity that has its own ethnic
and religious character and is often in
competition with other regional entities
that are nearby. So they have their own
battles to fight. They have their own
strategic concerns. And when the first
crusaders came in some 50 years before,
they were new players on the scene. But
they weren't the center of things. They
weren't everybody's top concern. It
wasn't as though all the Muslims in the
region said, "Ah, we need to band
together to defend Islam against the
infidel." That is not what happened.
They were actually busy competing with
each other. And some of them would send
armies and then they would go back and
they would they would fight amongst
themselves. So the fragmentation that
already existed in this geopolitical
landscape had a huge role to play in
explaining why the first crusaders
managed to do what they did. And it's
going to be the same landscape that the
second crusaders walk into. So the Sunni
Muslim Seljic Turks have established
their own empire. And like any empire,
they have local rulers who are in charge
of different provinces or areas of that
empire. And over time, some of these
rulers became increasingly independent
and they were in rivalry with each
other. They weren't all necessarily
marching to the same tune. So some of
these local emirs or rulers are the
Zenids and also the Sultanate of Rum.
So the way that is spelled is R U M R.
If it sounds like Rome, that's because
that's what they meant by it. The
Sultanate of Rome was territory that had
been carved out by the Seljixs, which
used to belong to the emperor of the
Eastern Roman Empire in Constantinople.
So now this territory that everyone
recognized as part of the old Roman
Empire was now partly under the control
of this Seljic Muslim governor who is
the Sultan of R. The Aubids who are
another regional power are Sunni Muslims
but they're not Turks. They are Kurdish.
So yes, they're Muslims but they're in
competition with the Seljixs. Even
though they have the same religious
identity, they don't have the same
political or military interests. The
Fatimids are Shia Muslims and also not
Seljixs. So they are very different both
religiously and ethnically from the
Seljic Empire that is on their doorstep.
So all of these different players don't
see their interests as being the same
just because they happen to be Muslim.
And this might seem strange until you
think about it in another region. When
we think about Christian history in
Western Europe, it wasn't the case that
the king of Spain and the King of France
were always friends just because they
both happen to be Catholic Christians.
And by the time the Protestant
Reformation comes along and you have
Protestant Christians as well as
Catholic ones, you see Christians
killing each other across Europe for
very long stretches of time. And so it's
just not the case that simply because
you share religion as one strand of your
identity that your interests political
and military are always going to be
aligned. And so that's exactly the sort
of competition that we see in the near
east at this time. Sunni Muslims and
Shia Muslims despise each other in a way
that's very similar to how Catholics and
Protestants thought about each other
during the wars of religion in Europe.
their enemies basically. So the main
takeaway here is that in many cases
ambitious Muslim powers in the region
were far more concerned about
competition with whoever was next door
on their borders than they were with
focusing their attention on these
Western Christians who were running
around in the crusader states. They do
engage. They do at times attack and
cities are taken and retaken between
these two sides. But it's not as though
there was some concerted united Muslim
effort to expel the westerners from the
Near East at this time. This also helps
explain why the emperor of the East,
himself, a Greek Orthodox Christian,
would have just concluded an alliance
with the Seljic Sultan of Rome, Massud,
so that he could better focus his
attention on what he saw as an imminent
threat to his own territory. Now, of
course, this alliance also allowed the
Seljic Sultan to focus his attentions on
the newcomers because if he didn't need
to worry about the emperor of Eastern
Rome mounting attacks on him from behind
if he deployed his troops toward
Jerusalem, then that gave him a much
freerange of action as well. By the way,
as a side note, this Seljic Sultan who
styled himself the Sultan of Room also
used the double-headed eagle insignia,
which is so closely associated with the
Roman Empire, just like the Eastern
Roman Emperor did. And curiously enough,
even the Holy Roman Emperors of the West
in what we would now call Germany also
use this double-headed eagle insignia.
And so it's this curious
historical shadow where everyone wants
to inherit the double-headed eagles of
Rome, even the Muslim Seljixs who are
now ruling some of that territory. But
the Eastern Roman Emperor Emanuel
Comeinus is much more concerned about
geopolitical factors like protecting his
existing territory from any further
incursions
rather than being motivated by any sense
of automatic religious unity with these
western Christians who are coming in in
the second crusade. The ideal scenario
for the emperor in Constantinople would
be for these western crusaders to
exhaust themselves fighting the Seljic
Turks. And that would take care of two
problems with one war, leaving him and
his lands relatively safe because
hopefully all the combatants would be
too exhausted from fighting each other
to have anything left to take over more
of his territory. So we have to think of
Emperor Communus as hoping for the best
but preparing for the worst. As the
armies of the second crusade arrive in
Constantinople in the autumn of 1147,
they come in two waves. Conrad
Hohentophen, the Holy Roman Emperor,
arrives with his German troops first and
he's followed some weeks later by King
Louie and Queen Eleanor of France and
their army. Now, I've been calling
Conrad Hoento the Holy Roman Emperor.
And many historical sources do. Some
people will quibble and say, "Well, he
wasn't crowned by the Pope, so he's
really just the king of the Germans at
this point." Because unless the pope
crowns you Holy Roman Emperor, you're
not officially the Holy Roman Emperor.
This is because Conrad Hoento was in the
middle of a fight with the Pope. That's
why he wasn't getting crowned. So he is
the de facto Holy Roman Emperor. He does
exercise rule over that territory, but
he's not been officially crowned by the
Pope. I'm going to try and simplify
things for us here by just calling him
Conrad and the Germans because there's
already another emperor in
Constantinople and talking about one
emperor versus another it gets
confusing. So Conrad and the Germans
come first, King Louie, Queen Eleanor
and the French come second. In both
cases, the emperor of Constantinople
makes the same request. He says, "Yes,
you can pass through my lands safely.
Please promise that any land of mine
that you take comes back to me. Any of
my territory that you take back from the
Seljixs belongs to me. So give it back
to my control and in exchange I will
instruct my people to sell you food and
try and provide for your needs. So this
is what the emperor wants. And Conrad
and Louie both nod their heads and they
don't seem to have a problem with this
arrangement. Now, Conrad the German and
the emperor of Constantinople are
actually related to each other by
marriage. Emperor Emanuel Commnis in
Constantinople is married to Conrad's
sister-in-law. So, they are related by
marriage. And this means that the
emperor treats Conrad with a little bit
extra warmth, as you're going to see
later in our story. But when Conrad's
armies first arrive in 1147, the emperor
gives them some advice and he says,
"Listen, the most direct route to the
crusader states is an overland route.
It's the shortest, but don't go there
because if you take that route, you're
going to be heading right into the
middle of the Seljic heartlands. It's
going to be enemy territory. They
dominate that whole area. You're going
to be under attack. Also, you'll have to
cross the Anatolian desert, which is
really, really hard, and it's very
difficult to provision an army to make
it through that area because you're not
going to find any food or water while
you're in the desert. So, the emperor
says to Conrad, "Listen, I and my
fathers before me have led many a
campaign into the Seljic territory along
this route that you want to go, and I'm
telling you, it's a bad idea. Instead,
the emperor said, "Go along the coast.
It is a longer route, but you avoid the
desert, you avoid the Seljic heartlands,
it's a much safer bet. Perhaps nobody
told Emperor Emanuel Communist that
trying to change the minds of Germans,
especially Germans going to war, is
pretty much a losing proposition. In any
case, Conrad and his army ignore this
advice and set out on the most direct
route toward the heartland of Seljic
territory. Some weeks later, the French
army arrives in Constantinople. And when
King Louie and his nobles learn that
Emperor Emanuel Communis has just
concluded an alliance with the Seljic
Sultan of Room, they are deeply
suspicious. Is the emperor their friend
or their foe? What is he doing making
alliances with Muslims? And there are
even some in the French high command,
some amongst the king's nobles who are
saying, you know, we should just take
Constantinople by force right now. We
have an army. We should subjugate the
city. kick the emperor out, put
ourselves in control so we can eliminate
any kind of a threat from someone who
might be going around behind our backs
and putting our armies in danger. But
King Louie says, "No, this is a crusade.
We have taken an oath to go directly to
Jerusalem." And he doesn't want to get
involved in any military side quests or
other objectives until he's reached
Jerusalem. So the king says, "We're not
doing that. We're going to play nice."
And the emperor is extremely gracious to
King Louie, Queen Eleanor, and their
nobles. He entertains them lavishly in
Constantinople for quite a number of
days. You have to imagine that for Queen
Eleanor of Aquitane, this was an
experience the like of which she'd never
had before in her life. The splendor of
Constantinople
must have made the royal courts of Paris
seem primitive by comparison, as in fact
they were. You see, in Constantinople,
there had been an unbroken imperial
civilization for centuries. The amount
of wealth and art and splendor was on a
scale that was unseen in Western Europe
at this period in history. And even the
emperor and his family themselves, they
had such elaborate rituals that put them
almost on the realm of demigods. They
had legions of servants with impeccable
manners that made what royalty and
servants did back in France look very
unmannerly and even lish by comparison.
For example, there are accounts of King
Louie back in France having to actually
wield a stick to put unruly pilgrims in
a church into line at some point. And
the idea that the emperor would even be
close enough to touch a common person,
let alone wield a stick was just unheard
of in Constantinople. So imperial life
was on another level. And the amount of
wealth and comfort and running water and
gold sculptures and fountains, it was
just beyond words for many of the
French. And for Eleanor in particular,
it's an experience that she would carry
with her the rest of her life. And it
probably informs some of the courts and
the changes in manners and customs that
she will be responsible for many years
later. In any case, when the French army
finishes with the emperor's hospitality
and turns their faces toward the road,
they take the safer coastal route. They
don't follow the route of Conrad and his
German army. So, Conrad and his army are
going to be heading right through the
worst of enemy territory as well as the
Anatolian desert. And by all accounts,
Conrad had really underestimated how
long this was going to take. And why
that is important is it means he also
underestimated the amount of food and
water that his army needed to carry.
Which meant that after about 10 days on
the road, they were in desperate
condition. They'd run out of drinking
water. And if you're in a desert and you
have no water to drink, you don't have
that much time. You know, you have to
find water or you're going to die. And
so this becomes the dominant concern of
the army. The men are already weakened.
They're exhausted by the heat. They're
exhausted by dehydration
and they don't have any relief in sight.
It was while they were in these dire
straits that the Seljics staged a
surprise attack in the evening of
October 25th, 1147.
It was called the Battle of Doram and
the results were devastating. The battle
raged on for hours all through the night
and well through the morning of the next
day, which was October 26th. Thousands
of Germans died. Most of the valuables,
including Conrad's royal treasure, was
seized by the Seljixs, and Conrad
himself narrowly escaped with his life
and only a very small number of his
knights. One chronicler says that Conrad
lost 9/10 of his army in this battle,
including all of his infantry and most
of his knights as well. There are
various accounts of exactly how many
knights survived this battle. Some
accounts say scores of knights. A score
is 20. So if you say scores, then we're
talking about something in the low
hundreds.
Other accounts say 2,000.
But whatever the number actually was, it
was a tiny remnant of the army that he
had marched out with. So at this point,
Conrad is a leader without an army. It's
an absolute devastation. Many of the
poor and ordinary infantrymen who found
themselves surrounded as the knights
rode off in disarray found themselves
captured and they were sold into
slavery. So the ones that were not
killed disappeared, never to be seen
again. Now, I just want to pause here
and recognize the fact that for the vast
majority of the men who followed Conrad,
this is the end of the road. History
follows the crowned heads. And so, the
chronicers are going to take us along
the road to see what happens to Conrad
next. But for the vast majority of these
ordinary people, they would never see
either Jerusalem, which was their goal,
or their homes and families again. And
if you think of the thousands, the tens
of thousands of families left at home
whose fathers, brothers, husbands, and
sons had vanished on this expedition.
The amount of human devastation, not to
mention the economic consequences, are
really hard to get a firm grasp of. It
must have had an enormous impact. And
even for those who didn't die, they
lived out the rest of their lives as
slaves in a foreign land, never to see
their homes or families again. Among the
knights who did survive, most of them
had lost their valuables, which means
the funding that they had packed along
this journey to sustain them, to feed
them, to pay for all the necessary items
they were going to need. So that left
them in a very desperate condition. And
Conrad himself had the same problem.
Conrad leads the remains of his army,
this this company of knights, back
towards the safety of the coast and out
of Seljic territory. Here, the very much
humbled emperor of the Germans meets
Queen Eleanor and King Louie and their
army, and he and his remaining knights
join that force. From this point
onwards, for a while, they're going to
travel together. And King Louie is very
gracious and he gives of his own
supplies and his own wealth to Conrad to
refernish him and his knights with the
supplies that they desperately need.
They were fortunate to have escaped with
their lives, but they're going to need
more than just that to sustain them on
the rest of the crusade. And after
learning about the disaster in the
Anatolian desert, King Louie and the
French were more determined than ever to
stick to the coastal route, even though
it was much longer and more mountainous.
But their misadventures were not yet
over. So Conrad and his guys get out of
the Anatolian desert in late October.
They join up with the French. They're
they've been marching now for a couple
of months. And by Christmas, they are
very close to Ephesus. And the army
makes camp on the banks of a river of
some kind. They set up everything, their
tents and their materials and so on. And
bad luck comes knocking again. A storm
whips up overnight. There are very high
winds that blow tents over. They blow
materials into the water. The water
rises very rapidly. It floods the banks
and it starts carrying away things like
baggage and siege materials. And even
some men and horses get carried away in
this sudden flood and go downstream
toward the sea. Conrad around about this
time also becomes quite ill with a
fever. And at this point he and his men
are quite sick of crusading. And so
they're going to make the decision to
turn around and head back to
Constantinople. And we actually have
Conrad's own words for what happens next
because he writes a letter back home
about it. So Conrad says, "When our
kinsman by marriage, Emperor Emanuel
Kominus, heard of this, he was extremely
upset and came to see us at the utmost
speed, bringing our kinswoman, the
beloved Empress, his wife. He generously
gave to us and our commanders his own
money and the necessaries for the
journey. Saw to it that we were cured
quickly by his own doctors and
practically forced us to come back with
him to his palace in Constantinople.
There he treated us with as much honor
as he ever to our knowledge showed to
any of our predecessors.
So Conrad is using the royal we here. we
and our he's referring to himself. But
clearly the emperor was extremely
solicitous towards him and went out of
his way to try and assist this most
unfortunate ruler of the Germans. So
we're going to leave the German emperor
Conrad Hohentoen licking his wounds in
Constantinople in the company of Emperor
Emanuel Commnis. And these two emperors
are left discussing imperial matters
together, including, by the way, a joint
operation against that troublesome
Norman Roger of Sicily, who you'll know
all about if you've watched our series
on the Normans in Sicily. But Conrad is
going to be waiting there enjoying
imperial hospitality in Constantinople
until weather improves in the spring and
campaign season starts again. We are
going to return our attention to the
French, King Louie and Queen Eleanor, as
they continue their march toward
Jerusalem. The French army continues
marching eastward from Ephesus, even
though the emperor of Constantinople had
just warned them that there were fresh
Seljic incursions into that territory.
So, there had been very recent military
operations. It was dangerous. He
actually advises them to take shelter
with imperial garrisons and be cautious.
But the French, they continue with their
original plan once again ignoring this
advice. And the French are about to have
their own disaster.
So the route takes them through a very
mountainous region and at one point they
actually have to climb a mountain pass
at a place called Mount Cadmus.
Now, if you've ever done any kind of
hiking through mountain passes, you know
that these are extremely narrow, steep,
and difficult trails to follow. It's
very hardgoing. To take an army up there
means that you're going to have to
condense all of your men down into a
very narrow stream, a very narrow line,
and they're going to proceed very slowly
through the limited space available
between the rock walls. So this is the
operation that the French army is going
to undertake. By the time they get to
this particular mountain, it's January
of 1148. So you have to imagine the
French army organized by divisions and
then narrowed down into very very small
ranks of a few men a breast heading
slowly up this incredibly steep trail.
Now one of the dangers of undertaking an
operation like this is that your army
becomes far too spread out to
effectively defend itself. So there were
clear directions given to the guys in
the vanguard which is the first division
the ones at the front and the vanguard
was under the command of an Aquitanian
nobleman. It was also full of other
Aquitanians and Eleanor of Aquitane was
riding with them because these were her
guys, her vassels, people from her
homeland. They spoke her own dialect.
She was in her element with them. So the
queen and this vanguard under the
command of one of these Aquitanian
noblemen is at the front and they're
told head up toward the pass, but there
is this flat section of land, this mea
that we can see. So get to the mesa and
set up camp there, and the rest of the
army will make its way up to the same
point and join you. So the vanguard sets
off. They reach the mesa in good time,
but when they actually get close to it,
they look around and they say, "This
looks pretty exposed. It's very
inhospitable. It's barren. It's windy."
But from here, we can see that if we
just keep going and we go across the
pass and down the other side, there's a
beautiful valley down there and it's got
shelter and it's got water. It's going
to be much better for the horses, much
more comfortable. Let's just keep going.
So ignoring the direction that they were
given, the vanguard moves past that
campsite that they had been designated
over the pass and down the other side
into the valley. So the entire army
follows the vanguard up this trail and
they keep on going. And by the end of
the day, the last division of the army,
the rear guard, in which King Louie
himself is riding, makes it up the trail
to the mesa, where they expect to find
the military camp all laid out and set
up. Instead, they find nobody.
Now, it's been a very long day, and it
was especially warm, even for January.
So, the reports are that the guys had
taken off their armor for the climb. And
again, if you've spent time climbing any
mountains at all, you know exactly what
this is like. Sometimes you're climbing
with hands and feet. It's incredibly
steep. It's very physically punishing.
Your body temperature goes up. And if
you're wearing chain mail or helmets, it
would get intolerably hot. So, it's
totally understandable that these guys
had stripped off some of the metal to
make the climb. The result of that was
when they get to the mesa, they don't
find any military camp, but suddenly
they realize they have company. It's a
Seljic ambush. And so you have to think
of these exhausted guys in the rear
guard. They've been working hard all
day. They're not wearing their armor.
They're expecting to find the rest of
the army and instead they find the
enemy. So very quickly they're
scattering. They're running. And the
Seljixs can very easily ride them down
and shoot them or hack at them. So once
again there's a very large number of
casualties. The king himself narrowly
escapes with his life and one chronicler
says that he
goes into a tree from which he bravely
kills many seljicss. And when I think
about this for a second I think that
chronicers remember have to write
accounts that make the crowned ones look
good. I really can't imagine effectively
doing battle with anybody with a sword
from a tree. So if the king bravely rode
into a tree, uh this is what he did to
save his life. I don't think that we can
really credit the idea that he was doing
combat effectively from that position.
He was lucky to survive. This much we do
know and he probably survived only
because he was wearing plain pilgrim
clothing and so no one would have
thought he was a person of significance.
At any rate, the reason that it's not a
complete massacre is that it gets dark
and that allows some of these scattered
men in Louis rearguard to take cover and
to hide and to pass undetected to the
Seljixs.
As the night wears on, these bloodied,
exhausted survivors of this ambush
attack stumble their way into the
military camp, which has been found down
in this valley somewhat farther away
than they expected to find it. And the
king himself is missing for hours.
People are wondering what happened. Did
he die? He eventually is brought in by
one of his men who finds him and puts
him on a random horse and leads him in.
But this is a situation of total
humiliation. Now, needless to say, this
disaster was entirely due to the fact
that the vanguard was not where they
were supposed to be. The rest of the
army was not found at the location where
they'd been instructed to set up. And
that left the rear guard dangerously
exposed to the Seljixs, who had been
following along and nipping at the heels
of this army for weeks now, looking for
an opportunity exactly like this. And
that's what they got. The lack of
discipline in the army had caused a very
serious number of casualties and could
easily have resulted in the death of
King Louie himself. So the Aquitanian
nobleman who'd been in charge of the
vanguard and had made the decision to go
down into the valley was dismissed. He
was sent home in disgrace. You're out of
the army. We don't want to see you
again. But that wasn't enough to solve
the problem. A lot of people in the army
had a huge amount of anger against this
vanguard full of Aquitanians, including
the queen herself. Eleanor took some
heat for this decision, although it
wasn't her decision. It was the decision
of the guy who was leading the vanguard.
She could have vetoed that decision, of
course. But pointing blame at the queen
for not seeing the strategic problem in
a decision made by a man whose business
was war is a little bit rich. She wasn't
someone who'd gone on military campaigns
before. Presumably he had a little bit
more familiarity with the subject. The
point is there was lots of resentment
and blame to go around. And so this
Aquitanian embarrassment
and the near disaster for the king that
had resulted was something that meant
they were going to have to make some
changes. So King Louie turns to the
Templars.
There have been Templar knights that
have been riding along with King Louis's
army. And if you've been watching the
series on the Templars, you know that
they're a relatively recent order.
They've been founded some almost 30
years ago. They are warrior monks and
they are some of the fiercest fighters
to be found in the crusader states.
They've already got a reputation for
being incredibly effective, incredibly
brave, very skillful. And the Templars,
because they're locals, have a much
better sense of the enemy, their
tactics, the hazards of the terrain, and
the safest way to move around. So the
Templars are put in charge of organizing
the army, of schooling them, of
instituting better discipline and trying
to direct them through the remainder of
the mountains without further incident.
And the Templars do exactly as they are
asked. They have this ability. They're
extremely good soldiers. And really, if
they'd been put in charge from the
beginning, this whole thing probably
would never have happened. But one more
major problem now loomed ahead. So, King
Louie, Queen Eleanor, and the army make
it to a port city called Atalia. And the
modern name for this is Antalia. It's
under imperial control, so it's a safe
place for them. They could have
continued overland from this port to
Antioch, but it was much shorter simply
to take a boat from Antalya across the
water directly to Antioch.
The problem was that boats were
expensive and there weren't enough of
them to ship an entire army from this
port city. So, King Louie and Queen
Eleanor and some of their nobles make
the decision that they're going to take
boats from Antalya to Antioch. The rest
of the army can make its way over over
land unless there are some other boats
that show up. So, they're basically
told, "You guys can wait here. Wait for
a few more boats. take them if you can
and the rest of you make your way on
foot to Antioch. So, the king and queen
and some of the nobles leave on these
boats.
A few other boats show up and then the
rest of the knights decide they're
taking the boats, too, partly because
they have the money to pay for them.
So, they leave.
This leaves the rest of the army, all of
the infantry and all of the everyday
people, including the non-combatants,
stranded in Antalya.
There aren't going to be enough boats
for them. Nor could they afford them
very likely, even if there were. So the
picture that you have to imagine now is
these thousands of ordinary people that
are miserably camped around the outside
of the city walls because there were too
many of them to just let in. But now
they're vulnerable to Seljic attacks.
And that's exactly what happens. Seljic
raiding parties come out and they begin
to attack them, especially at night.
They're picking people off. And so these
desperate crusaders are begging the
governor of Antalya, "Please let us in
behind the stone walls of the city.
Don't leave us out here as prey for the
Seljics." The governor takes pity on
them. He lets them in, but he says,
"Listen, there are too many of you. You
can't stay in the city indefinitely, and
also you're attracting a lot of
unwelcome Seljic attention here, which
is putting all of us at risk. So you
guys can't stay very long. You need to
move along.
The result is that these thousands of
people are have to leave Antalia and
head toward Antioch on foot. All of
their officers, all of the knights and
nobles who are normally in charge are
gone. We're looking at nothing but
people on foot.
Hunger, disease, death, and desertion
utterly destroy this army.
One historical account says that some
5,000 of them actually convert to Islam
out of desperation and starvation. And
so they are absorbed into Seljic history
and vanish from our view. Surely nobody
who had enthusiastically signed up for
all the glories of a crusade imagined
that they would be driven to such
desperate straits as this to actually
become the very Turks that they had gone
there to fight. This entire army
disappears.
Some by death, some by starvation, some
by conversion.
There are many ways. But the astonishing
truth of this moment is that King Louis
entire army is destroyed.
The army is the infantry. They're gone.
They don't ever make it to Antioch. Only
his knights and nobles, his cavalry
division remains. So, let's take a
moment to to digest what's going on
here. Conrad leading the German army had
lost basically everybody in the
Anatolian desert and he did that after
ignoring advice that specifically warned
him not to go there. That's tens of
thousands of people.
And now the king of France has lost
everybody in his army except the cavalry
and the noble women who are married to
them
here on the road to Antioch. This means
tens of thousands more people are
abandoned in hostile enemy territory,
left to fend for themselves or exposed
to danger largely due to the incompetent
planning and sometimes just the
arrogance of their leaders.
Conrad's decision to ignore what the
emperor specifically told him was
waiting for him on that road is pretty
hard to consign to anything other than
an extreme overconfidence
which we would describe as arrogance.
And the cost of that was paid by the
ordinary people who followed him. And as
for the French, what kind of leader goes
off with his entire high command, all of
his officers, and says to the troops,
"Yes, well, anyway, see you later. We'll
meet you over there, Tuluoo." and just
exits the scene. How do you have an army
that lacks every single leader or
officer that would normally be involved
in strategic decisions or chain of
command, and you just leave the infantry
by themselves? It's it's hard to
imagine, but this is what happened. And
the result of this was complete
annihilation for that army. But since
records of this destroyed army vanished
along with its men and women and other
non-combatants who vanished on those
planes, we are going to have to follow
the chroniclers and turn our attention
to King Louie and Elellanor. But before
we do that, I find it fascinating to
read the accounts of the second crusade
in the words of the chroniclers at the
time. First of all, because they don't
like to talk about it very much, and
that's because it really was an epic
failure. As is the case with every
disaster, there's an immediate attempt
to assign blame. And so there's a whole
lot of fingerpointing in the sources
about what accounts for these monumental
defeats suffered by both the Germans and
the French. A favorite scapegoat is the
Byzantine or the Greek emperor Manuel
Kinus from Constantinople. Had the wy
emperor Alexius Comminus of
Constantinople conspired with the Seljic
Turks to destroy the crusaders?
Certainly many nobles in both the German
and the French army came up with this
idea when they heard that he had made a
treaty with the Seljic Sultan of Rome.
But this didn't mean that the emperor
and Constantinople and the Seljixs were
friends or allies. It just meant they'd
made an agreement not to attack each
other for a few years, which allowed
each of them to focus their attentions
elsewhere. And the urge to point the
finger at the emperor is a theory that
doesn't really hold up very well when we
look at things that we know Alexis
communist did. He went out of his way to
warn both Conrad and Louie about Seljic
dangers on the roads that they were
taking. If his goal had been to destroy
the crusaders, he could have just kept
his mouth shut or even encouraged them
and just let them walk right into Seljic
traps. But we actually see the emperor
directing them away from those things.
Some crusaders said the emperor didn't
do enough to provision our armies to
make sure that we had enough food and
water and so on. But this wasn't really
the emperor's job. Unlike the first
crusade where the emperor had invited
them and therefore undertook a
responsibility for the armies of the
first crusade, in the second crusade he
hadn't invited them. This was a foreign
army that was making its way through his
land. He was concerned about it. The
fact that there were failures of
logistics and planning can't be
attributed as the fault of the emperor.
This wasn't his war. It wasn't his
responsibility. Also, it wasn't as
though the crusaders had asked for his
help in advance or for his permission.
Nowhere in any of the medieval accounts
of the second crusade that I'm familiar
with does anybody come out and say that
possibly the destruction of these armies
was directly due to the failure of Louis
and Conrad to heed advice and warnings
that they received. But when you
consider the fact that medieval
chronicers were often courteers and they
had to keep kings and emperors happy,
the reluctance to assign blame to
crowned heads seems a lot easier to
understand. In other words, it might
have been a truth that people knew, but
it wasn't something that you could write
down in an official account. Another
theory that became very popular was that
sin in the crusader army had displeased
God and that these disastrous defeats
were the judgment of God upon an
unworthy army of pilgrims. Of course,
for this theory, women were very
convenient targets. the presence of
Eleanor of Aquitane, a very beautiful,
very vivacious
queen and many nobles with her along
with an enormous retinue of maid
servants and attendants and the wives of
other people who signed on because they
saw Eleanor and her ladies do it could
be attributed by some people as the
cause of lustful thoughts for men on
this crusade and even perhaps the
possibility of illicit sex. So when in
doubt, when there's a military disaster,
blame the women. It's not a new
strategy. So now we have the German
emperor Conrad sitting in Constantinople
without his army waiting for the spring.
And we have King Louie and Queen Eleanor
of France and their respective knights
and nobles who have arrived by boat in
Antioch, which is a crusader state
located in modernday Syria. There's
still a significant distance that they
have to travel to Jerusalem. And of
course, all of these rulers have lost
almost all of their armies. While the
royals and nobles of France figure out
what to do next, the biggest scandal of
Eleanor's life is about to unfold in
Antioch, creating a story that will
follow her to the end of her days and
for many centuries to come. The story of
that scandal and all the rest of the
doings in the second crusade is going to
be told in our next episode here on
Villains and Virgins podcast. So, if
you're not already subscribed, make sure
you sign up so you don't miss it. And if
you want even more history, head on over
to patreon.com/evas.
I will be hosting a live conversation
about everything to do with the Crusades
later this month and that is a special
benefit for Patreon subscribers only. So
hopefully I'll see you there. Thank you
so much and please join me for the next
episode in the second crusade.
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